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There is absolutely no chance for separatism in HK, so stop trying

By Junius Ho and Kacee Ting Wong | China Daily Asia | Updated: 2021-01-25 09:20
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Photo taken on Dec 28, 2020 shows China's national flag and the flag of the Hong Kong special administrative region on the Golden Bauhinia Square in Hong Kong, China. [Photo/Xinhua]

Since China resumed the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong 23 years ago, there have been endless attempts to obstruct the implementation of "one country, two systems" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) by local and external forces hostile to China.

As we all know, "one country, two systems", which was originally formulated as a strategy by the central government to maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan after reunification with the mainland, has been enshrined in the Basic Law of the HKSAR and the Macao Special Administrative Region (MSAR). Promulgated according to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the Basic Law is the constitutional foundation for governing Hong Kong and Macao now and will apply in Taiwan as well eventually. On this constitutional foundation, Hong Kong is expected to reach new heights of socio-politico-economic development. All of us should do our best to live up to such high expectations.

As Mr Justice Henry Litton, a former permanent judge on the Court of Final Appeal of the HKSAR, pointed out, Beijing has not strayed from the course set for Hong Kong and "one country, two systems" has never changed (refer to his articles: "It is time for urgent reform" and "Reasons for judicial reform" in Ming Pao dated 3/9/2020 & 25/11/2020). That is inarguably correct. We also agree that the implementation of "one country, two systems" has been basically smooth. All incidents or storms of controversy arising from "one country, two systems" have been caused by deliberate acts by some with an intent to distort its meaning — without fail.

With the benefit of hindsight, we can now gain a better understanding of the motives behind the actions taken by those political radicals in Hong Kong. Let us start with the fugitives.

It is no secret that a number of leading opposition figures who played prominent roles in the "black revolution" of 2019, with "Liberate Hong Kong, Revolution of Our Times" as its separatist battle cry, have fled overseas one way or another since the National Security Law for the HKSAR was promulgated and took effect on June 30, 2020. Their escape from justice has categorically shattered any pretense to hide their opportunistic true colors and criminal exploits. All the vows they have uttered of devoting their lives to "safeguarding Hong Kong" must give way to their personal freedom to do anything they want with impunity.

There are different reasons why they chose to become fugitives. However, there is one common exercise they have all been doing overseas: online crowdfunding to sustain their daily life. Apparently being a part of the "black revolution" came with some heavy baggage, not the least the new dependence on crowdfunding to survive in the "free world". Admit it or not, they cannot deny their absolute fear of the National Security Law in Hong Kong, which they had to flee at all cost. When their very survival is in question, how can they find time and energy to think about anything other than food and shelter, let alone the future?

Among those fugitives, former Legislative Councilor Ted Hui Chi-fung is arguably the most "celebrated" figure, who lost no time in flying to Europe, allegedly to attend a climate change conference of some sort in Denmark. As soon as his travel itinerary was revealed, he issued a statement on social media with hazy and contradictory information. He also set up a crowdfunding account to collect donations, without explaining what happened to his "sufficient" bank savings he previously bragged about.

Hui found his calling in politics at a relatively young age and did not take long to stand out thanks to his knack for over-the-top acts in public. Once established as a rising star in the second echelon of the Democratic Party, he was selected and groomed for a bigger role in the inner circle of the opposition camp. Soon he was given resources and a platform to shine brighter in politics. In his private life Ted Hui was known for being very close to his multi-generation family, including his children and grandfather, all of whom he managed to send overseas even before he fled Hong Kong. However, his human side has been overshadowed by his failure to match his political grandiosity with worthy integrity for those he left behind in Hong Kong. It can even be said that, by fleeing Hong Kong to shun legal liability, he has set an ugly example for generations of "pan-democrats" to loathe in the years to come. That said, he is hardly alone in making such a disappointing choice. After all, most if not all political players like him chose this career for personal gain rather than some lofty ideal.

Back when the "black revolution" broke out in June 2019, with the now-shelved Fugitive Offenders and Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters Legislation (Amendment) Bill as an excuse, Hui and fellow travelers believed they were invincible and very close to taking over Hong Kong. Today, he and other fugitives are viewed by many as traitors or cowards. The saddest part of this episode in the history of the HKSAR is that few in the opposition camp have an inkling of an idea why they lost and why they can never achieve their goals, which are in fact unrealistic, despite all the external support they have.

Junius Ho Kwan-yiu is a Legislative Council member and a solicitor. Kacee Ting Wong is a barrister and a part-time researcher of Shenzhen University Hong Kong and Macao Basic Law Research Center.

The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

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