USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

Nuclear weapons race could weaken US security

By Shen Dingli | China Daily | Updated: 2017-01-09 07:22

Nuclear weapons race could weaken US security

US President-elect Donald Trump pauses as he talks to members of the media at Mar-a-Lago estate in Palm Beach, Florida, US, December 21, 2016. [Photo/Agencies]

US president-elect Donald Trump twittered in late December that the United States "must greatly strengthen and expand its nuclear capability until such time as the world comes to its senses regarding nukes". Later, he declared: "Let it be an arms race," and asserted that the US would win it. It seems he is committing a major mistake.

Like any other country, the US deserves its legitimate national security. The US first developed nuclear weapons through the Manhattan Project. And since the program was aimed at both keeping pace with the feared nuclear weapons development program of Nazi Germany and to counter imperialist Japan's aggression, it gained legitimacy.

But the US has often abused its nuclear policy. By flexing its nuclear muscles, the US pushed the Soviet Union to expedite its nuclear weapons program in the late 1940s. By threatening China with a nuclear attack during the Korean War (1950-53), it forced Beijing to launch its own nuclear weapons program in the mid-1950s. And by waging an unjustified war in Iraq, the US taught the Democratic People's Republic of Korea the importance of possessing nuclear weapons.

Despite the several rounds of nuclear disarmament, the US still deploys thousands of nuclear weapons and has more in its vaults. Russia has built a nuclear arsenal as powerful as the US', and China seems to have developed a cost-effective minimum deterrence to drive sense into potential rivals.

When Trump promised to strengthen the US' nuclear arsenal, in order to make other countries sensible, one wondered which countries Trump had in mind, and how much credit or damage his message would bring to the US and the world. Did he mean to have a nuclear arms race with Russia, especially because Moscow is the only other power to have an equally massive, if not bigger, nuclear arsenal than the US?

But US President Barack Obama realistically "reset" Washington's relations with Moscow in 2009 despite the Russia-Georgia conflict in 2008. And after Crimea's inclusion into Russia in 2014, president-elect Trump seems interested in again "resetting" relations with Russia. This contradicts Trump's own promise of "expanding nuclear weapons credibility", and could lead to another Georgia- or Ukraine-like crisis.

Or, does Trump have an eye on China? Over 60 years ago China decided, despite its poverty, to go nuclear given the US nuclear blackmail, and succeeded. Before China tested its nuclear weapons, the US made a dozen nuclear threats against China, but after Beijing detonated its first nuclear device in 1964, the US has not issued any open nuclear threats, vindicating the power of China's own nuclear deterrence.

China has maintained a practical nuclear strategy of minimum deterrence, which has both boosted China's national security and made it avoid an unnecessary nuclear arms race. At a time of resource scarcity, China's approach was certainly a smart one.

But times have changed. The World Bank has said that, in terms of purchasing power parity, China became the largest economy two years ago. As long as China doesn't perceive an increase in external threat, Beijing could live with its tradition. But if Trump forces other countries in a nuclear arms race, he could wake up to find that the US' relative nuclear credibility declining.

Rather than winning a nuclear weapons race, the US national security could weaken vis-a-vis even the DPRK. Before the DPRK conducted its first nuclear test, the US didn't face any physical nuclear threat from Pyongyang. Now, given its rising capability to build long-range ballistic and sea-launched ballistic missiles, even the DPRK could deter the US to certain extent, rather than merely the other way around. If Trump forces the DPRK into an arms race, the US could find itself facing more risks.

The US is already secure, and doesn't need to further expand its nuclear arsenal. Expanding the US nuclear arsenal could rather excite a nuclear race which America might not win. Therefore, the Trump administration should see the nuclear danger for what it is, and work with other countries for nuclear disarmament.

The author is a professor at, and associate dean of the Institute of International Studies, Fudan University.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 国产成人福利在线视频播放尤物| 成人免费一区二区三区| 国产日韩精品一区二区在线观看| 亚洲欧洲日产国码AV系列天堂| 美女张开腿黄网站免费| 日韩资源在线观看| 亚洲白色白色永久观看| 精品午夜福利1000在线观看| 国产乱妇无码大片在线观看| 免费黄色网址网站| 国产精品无码永久免费888| eeuss影院天堂影院| 成人午夜性影院视频| 久久五月精品中文字幕| 果冻传媒麻豆电影| 亚洲校园春色另类激情| 狠狠穞老司机的福67194| 农村胖肥熟口味重| 美女黄18以下禁止观看| 国产乱子伦精品视频| 亚洲国产理论片在线播放| 色偷偷噜噜噜亚洲男人| 国产女合集六超多超嫩部| 一本一道波多野结衣一区 | 99热亚洲色精品国产88| 娇小xxxxx性开放| 亚洲AV无码久久| 欧美成人免费观看的| 亚洲码欧美码一区二区三区| 王小明恶魔手机催眠1-6| 免费超爽大片黄| 精品国产免费一区二区三区| 四虎成人免费观看在线网址| 色碰人色碰人视频| 国产亚洲精品拍拍拍拍拍| 黄色一级一毛片| 国产性色视频在线高清| 国产精选之刘婷野战| 国产激情久久久久影院小草| 亚洲网站www| 国产男女猛烈无遮挡免费视频网站|